DeshCalling
Monday, June 04, 2007
  Jalil’s confessions Hasina behind April 30 ploy

The rich and not-so beautiful: (From left) Abdul Jalil, Sheikh Selim, Lutfuzzaman Babor, Nazmul Huda, Md Nasim, Kazi Jafarullah and MA Hashem were produced before courts. TBT photo on Sunday


PROBE News Magazine – Vol 5 Issue 49 June 01-07

In confessional statements during interrogations, Awami League General Secretary Abdul Jalil speaks of collecting funds for the party from businessmen, Hasina’s role in the matter, the April 30 ploy to overthrow the government and other startling facts. Businessman Abdul Awal Mintoo also makes sensational revelations

A Probe report

Wakil Uddin sits facing intelligence agents in the interrogation cell. He is an Awami League leader of Gulshan thana and also the ward commissioner there. He is Director of Swadesh Properties. They ask him, “Do you know where Jalil sahib lives?”

“Yes, his house is at Gulshan-2, down one of the roads off the main avenue. I don’t remember the number, sir,” Wakil Uddin replies.

“Have you been there ever?”

“Yes, sir.

“What is his drawing room like?”

“There is a small room before you enter the drawing room. Then comes the large drawing room with maroon sofas. There’s a portrait of Jalil’s wife on the wall.”

The questions continue: “Why would you take money there?”

Wakil comes out with information: “The Basundhara Group would pay Jalil toll from long ago. From 2003 I would go to Jalil’s house with Anbeer, the son of Basundhara’s proprietor Shah Alam, to give him money. Every month I would deliver a cash cheque of two lakh taka to his house. Anbeer would accompany me. This money would be handed over to him till October last year.”

“Will you be able to say this in front of Jalil?” ask the interrogation officers.

Wakil replies, “Why not? I am telling the truth.”

Wakil is brought before Jalil. And then interrogation of former FBCCI President Abdul Awal Mintoo and Awami League General Secretary Abdul Jalil begins. Jalil and Mintoo both reveal startling facts about the April 30 trump card. They speak of how the country’s big businessmen directly pay Hasina lakhs and crores of taka. They even question Hasina’s accountability in this regard.

After arresting them on May 28, the intelligence officers question Jalil and Mintoo exhaustively about the April 30 ploy. Before that they had questioned ward commissioner Wakil. Though the officers address Abdul Jalil as “sir” during interrogations, Abdul Awal Mintoo repeatedly addresses the officers as “sir” when speaking to them.

Concerning toll money from the Basundhara Group, Jalil tells the interrogating officers, “Wakil hasn’t told the truth entirely. He is lying. He is the Gulshan Awami League General Secretary and now is lying to save his own skin. But Wakil did come to my house four or five times. Basundhara owner’s son Anbeer came thrice. Once he came to be introduced. The other two times he came with cheques of three lakh taka each, that is six lakh taka in all. He simply said, ‘Uncle, please keep this money.’”

“Why did you take this money?” ask the officers, “What did you do with it?”

Jalil says, “This was for the party funds. Many businessmen pay the big parties money. I handed over the two cheques to the office.”

“Which office? Mercantile Bank?”

“No,” replies Jalil, “To another bank. All toll collection money is handed over to our leader Sheikh Hasina. She pays us from there for party work.”

The intelligence officers ask which businessmen would pay Sheikh Hasina and how much they would pay. What was the highest toll paid?

Jalil replies, “This is all given in secret so I don’t know the amount. But during the election I heard some paid one crore taka, some paid two crore taka and so on. Other times they would pay 25 lakh taka, 50 lakh taka and so on. The businessmen pay this directly to Hasina so that they can introduce themselves to her. In future if the party goes to power, this will be to their advantage. That is why they pay her directly.”

In reply to another question, Jalil comments, “I personally feel that money for the party funds should remain in the funds. It is not correct for the leader to use these funds. This should be done to ensure her accountability.”

Jalil speaks About April 30

In face of interrogation, Jalil reveals that the April 30 ploy to topple the government was planned by Awami League President Sheikh Hasina herself. The BNP MP Abu Hena had been enraged with Tareq. Hena had been a civil servant and member of NBR. He had imagined he would be made minister. He felt insulted when he was not placed in the cabinet. That is why he was furious with BNP and went to meet with Sheikh Hasina. He offered to buy 70 MPs from BNP. At the same time, Mahi B Chowdhury offered to buy 20 to 25 MPs. Hena asked Hasina for 70 crore taka for the purpose and she assured him she would arrange it. She gave the responsibility of arranging these funds to Abdul Awal Mintoo. It was decided that Abdul Awal Mintoo, Yusuf Abdullah Haroun, Nurul Islam Babul and Saber Hossain Chowdhury would arrange the money. Mintoo admits the same when confessing to the intelligence officers.

Jalil says that Hasina had only given him the responsibility of organising the field level to render the April 30 plan a success. The responsibility of arranging the money and other matters belonged to Hasina herself and Saber Hossain Chowdhury. Hasina wanted to carry out the MP purchase deal herself.

Jalil says, “Proshika’s Kazi Faruq had committed to gathering 10 lakh people in the city. Hasina gave Saber the responsibility of maintaining communications with Kazi Faruq.”

Former Mayor Mohamed Hanif and Maya Chowdhury were angry that Proshika was given the responsibility of gathering people. They questioned what the role of the party people was then, if outsiders had to be contacted. And that is why Hanif and Maya later pulled back. And because of their stand, it hadn’t been possible to mobilise party workers in the capital city. Proshika too failed to arrange the crowds. The whole plan flopped.

Abdul Jalil tells the interrogators, “If Sheikh Hasina had involved the senior leaders and the party in the plan, then April 30 wouldn’t have failed. She wanted to take the credit for herself.”

In reply to another question, Jalil says, “When we launched the movement against the first caretaker government of President Iajuddin, Proshika’s Kazi Faruq came and said he wanted to help us. I told him he had been a flop once already, why again? I pointed out that he hadn’t come to me at that time.” Kazi Faruq told Jalil that he hadn’t spoken to him about the April 30 programme, he had spoken with Saber Hossain Chowdhury. That is how Jalil found out that his leader had assigned Saber Hossain Chowdhury to arrange Proshika for the April 30 plan.

Jalil assures the interrogation officers than he is telling the truth.

Jalil speaks about Mintoo

Jalil says, “Abdul Awal Mintoo was angry with BNP for not making him the Mayor of Dhaka City and so he joined hands with us. We had planned that if our trump card worked out, we would pass him through by-elections.”

Jalil goes on to reveal that many businessmen including Manzur Elahi, Abdul Awal Mintoo, Basundhara Group, Yusuf Abdullah Haroun and others would pay the party funds. Funds would come from outside of the country too. He says, “I heard that Mintoo brought funds from outside and handed this over to Sheikh Hasina.”

Abdul Awal Mintoo

Mintoo tells the interrogating officers, “Hasina was the leader of the April 30 deadline given by Abdul Jalil. Jalil was the collaborator. Hena MP was also involved. The main aim was to create chaos and topple the alliance government.”

How was Mintoo involved? He goes into detail:

“I came to know about this in March. I already knew Hena bhai from before. One day Jalil sahib turned up at Sonargaon Hotel. He just informed me of the plan in about two minutes and told me to work with Hena on this. Hena bhai wanted to purchase 70 MPs of BNP. Mahi B Chowdhury had first spoken of buying off 10 MPs and later increased this by 15 to a total of 25.”

Mintoo continues, “Sir, it was planned to buy about 100 MPs from the BNP camp. Adding them to Awami League’s existing MPs, this would have given them a majority in the House. Hena bhai drew up a budget of 70 crore taka. Hasina had assured them of paying the money. I was told to pay one crore taka. Babul and Haroun were also told to pay. I eventually didn’t make the payment. If the April 30 plan had succeeded, the MPs who had left BNP would have formed the government with Awami League. It would be a coalition government.”

About his relationship with Awami League, Mintoo tells the interrogation officers, “Forgive me, sir, but I have good relations with everyone in Awami League, from Hasina to everyone else. From June 1994 to June 1996 I had three meeting in my house with the World Bank head. I drew up a business policy for Awami League. I arranged a meeting with the US Ambassador for Sheikh Hasina. I collected money from businessmen for the June 12 election and handed it over to Hasina. I would go to her house and pay her the money. Yusuf Abdullah Haroun, Manzur Elahi and Nurul Islam Babul would also pay her at the time.”

During interrogations, according to various sources, both Jalil and Mintoo made it very clear that Awami League President Sheikh Hasina was the main operator in the plan to purchase MPs.

The main target of April 30 was to buy the MPs and, with Proshika’s collaboration, create anarchy in the capital city, overthrow the alliance government and come to power.

 
  Why B’desh slams Nobel laureate Yunus

Why B’desh slams Nobel laureate Yunus

Sumon K Chakrabarti

CNN-IBN – June 3, 2007

New Delhi: Bangladesh’s Nobel laureate Mohammed Yunus is considered to have uplifted the poor in his country. But the genius the world considers him to be is seen as just another businessman by his own people.

"I can send poverty back to the museum,” claims Md Yunus regularly in such overcrowded press conferences—the man gave the concept of micro credit to eradicate poverty in Bangladesh. But shockingly Yunus and his Grameen bank are called ‘blood sucking money lenders’ in his own country.

"He made money by sucking people's blood. He is a good businessman who knows how to make profits," says Sheikh Hasina, Former Prime Minister, Bangladesh

Yunus had started his journey to become the ‘banker to the poor’ in 1976 in Jobra village of Chittagong. He gave his first loan of nearly Rs 1000 to a village local. Ten years down the line, Halima and Noornahar who took the loan still live in abject poverty. They beg for a living and are yet to repay the 30-year-old debt that was taken by their mother.

“We are in no position to pay back the loan,” says Halima.

Grameen Bank usually takes loan from the Bangladesh government and foreign institutions at a mere 3 to 5 per cent, but doles out the same amount at rates between 20 and 30 per cent to the poor rural debtors.

“Yunus’ programmes are such that do not reduce but reproduce poverty. What he showed as solutions to eradicate poverty was actually a myth of poverty alleviation mechanism,” says Economist Anu Mohammed.

Yunus’ failure is possibly the reason why his dream of a political party never got support from the people. "I think his ideas were a bubble that burst out too soon,” says Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty, Indian High Commissioner in Bangladesh.

The micro credit guru is a darling of the West. But in his own country even though he won the Nobel prize his popularity graph was never so high to make him cut out the political battlefield.

Many people also question why he was given the Nobel peace prize. “Never at any instance that the piece issue is raised in Bangladesh, have we seen Younis address a single human rights issue,” Human Rights activist Shariyar Kabir says.

Allegations like throwing away poor defaulters from their own house are now being labeled frequently against Grameen Bank. An image that the world famous nobel laureate would like to get rid of, sooner than later.

 
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